THE FEAR OF CHANGE

What Is To Be Fear Of In Order To Secure A Better Future ?

by Chandra Muzaffar ( Vice Persident of keADILan, President of JUST, sacked from UM for supporting Refoemasi. )

There is a concerted attempt on the part of certain groups within the Establishment to spread fear among the Malaysian people about the struggle for change espoused by the reformasi movement. Reformasi, they allege, will lead inevitably to chaos and conflict. The Indonesian situation is often cited as a case in point. Chinese Malaysians in particular are warned every now and then by Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) leaders that they should reject reformasi --- otherwise they too will suffer the same fate as their counterparts in Indonesia.

Using a question-answer format Chandra Muzaffar addresses this and other related issues raised by those opposed to political change in Malaysia.

1) A segment of the Chinese Indonesian community was the target of rioters and looters in the wake of the overthrow of President Suharto in May 1998. Is there any reason to believe that the same thing can happen in Malaysia if the reformasi movement here had its own way?

To start with, we should correct a widespread misconception about the Indonesian riots and reformasi perpetuated by certain politicians and media figures in the country. The major components of the Indonesian reformasi movement --- students, academics, professionals and workers --- were not involved in the riots and looting, or the rapes. Human rights groups in Jakarta have produced substantial evidence to show that units within the armed forces linked to Suharto were mainly responsible for the lawlessness and violence that marred the May uprising. As it has happened so often in history, it was yet another case of a desperate dictator trying to cling on to power by deliberately creating disturbances, which he could then blame on the reformists.

If Suharto and his cohorts were behind the violence in May, how does one explain the continuing riots and killings? Whenever a brutal, oppressive regime is overthrown, there is bound to be instability and even chaos for a period of time. This was the pattern after the French and Bolshevik Revolutions and certain other mass upheavals in history. Because of the preceding repression, suppressed feelings of anger and rancour burst into the open, once the dictatorship has been brought down. In the case of Indonesia there is an additional factor. The armed forces which was a dominant factor in Indonesian politics is losing its grip. Elements within the Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (ABRI), it is argued, are trying to destabilise the situation through religious riots and communal massacres so that in the ensuing chaos, the people will be forced to turn to the armed forces to restore law and order.

Now to answer the main question itself, one must bear in mind that the Indonesian situation is, in some important respects, very different from the Malaysian situation. The economic disparities between a section of the Chinese community and the vast majority of indigenous Indonesians (often referred to as the Pribumi) are so stark that it was possible for unscrupulous elements to manipulate the anger and envy of groups within the disadvantaged many to target the wealth of the affluent few. In Malaysia, on the other hand, economic inequities separating the Chinese minority from the Malay majority have been reduced considerably through the vigorous implementation of an affirmative action programme over a period of more than 40 years. To put it in another way, it would be much more difficult today in a situation where there is a well-heeled Malay middle-class, to mobilise mass Malay sentiments against 'the Chinese rich'. The success of Malaysia's affirmative action programme and the subsequent transformation of the Malaysian social structure has made the position of the Chinese relatively more secure than it was in the sixties.

The Chinese position in Malaysia is more secure than in Indonesia for two other reasons. Since Merdeka in 1957, the Chinese have been part of the nation's political elite. They are integral to an inter-ethnic power-sharing arrangement, which began with the Alliance and has continued with the Barisan Nasional right up to the present. Besides, Chinese Malaysians play a prominent role in opposition politics and constitute a significant presence in the nation's public life.

In Indonesia, the Chinese had no role in politics under the Suharto regime or under President Sukarno before that. The first person of Chinese origin to become a Cabinet Minister was Bob Hassan, the infamous Suharto crony, in March 1998, just two months before the regime fell. Because the Chinese, both at the community and individual level, had no political presence they were particularly vulnerable to the pulls and pressures of mass politics.

Chinese Indonesians also lacked the cultural resilience to withstand any political onslaught on the community. This was partly because of the assimilative cultural policy of the Indonesian State, which demanded that the Chinese surrender crucial aspects of their identity. They could not, for instance, study their language through the school system or publish newspapers in Chinese.

Chinese culture and Chinese identity by comparison, are solidly anchored in the Malaysian reality. The Chinese language is not only taught in Malaysian schools; it is also a medium in the public broadcasting system. Chinese religions, rituals and festivals, like Chinese music, art and drama, continue to thrive within the multi-cultural environment that is Malaysia. Since state and society afford space and scope for the expression of Chinese culture and Chinese identity, the community feels psychologically more secure than many other Chinese communities in Southeast Asia.

For all these reasons, it is wrong of Establishment politicians and the mainstream media to frighten Chinese Malaysians about the reformasi movement.

2) But Chinese Malaysians cannot help but be scared especially since the reformasi demonstrators turned violent in October 1998.

The reformasi demonstrators did not turn violent. When demonstrations were at their peak, including the Kampung Baru demonstration of 24 October 1998, the demonstrators went out of their way to ensure that they remained steadfast to their principle of struggling for change through peaceful means. Contrary to the lies pedalled by the media, the demonstrators in Kampung Baru and elsewhere has no weapons, no harmful objects. Observers had noted how restrained they were. It was the police and their agents who resorted to violence --- by water cannoning, tear-gassing and beating up peaceful demonstrators on a number of occasions.

Why did the police use force on the demonstrators? Because the Malaysian police, like the Malaysian political leadership, does not recognise the right of the people to demonstrate peacefully against the government of the day. They do not realise that the right to peaceful assembly is one of the civil liberties embodied in the Malaysian Constitution. It is a fundamental human right contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Like the rest of his colleagues in government, the new Home Affairs Minister, Dato Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, also does not appreciate this basic principle about democratic governance. Nonetheless, he recognises that the police should exercise restraint, that it should not use 'excessive force' in dealing with peaceful demonstrations. It is an admission, on the part of the Minister, that the conduct of the police has been anything but exemplary in the last few months.

To make amends, Dato Abdullah is now asking the police to put on a smiling face. But that is not enough. He should establish an independent commission of inquiry to find out who triggered off the violence in the Kampung Baru demonstration and in some of the other demonstrations. The truth, the entire truth, should be made known to the public. Once the public knows the truth, there will be less fear about change and reform. Many more Malaysians will be willing to stand up and fight for justice.

3) It is not just the demonstrations; many Chinese and Indian Malaysians are concerned that the reformasi movement is largely Malay. How does the movement relate to non-Malay interests?

It is true that as far as its support is concerned, the movement is largely Malay. This is mainly because the catalyst for the Movement was Anwar Ibrahim's harsh expulsion from the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) on 3 September 1998. Initially, the anger against Dr. Mahathir Mohamad was strongest within the rank-and-file of UMNO. A number of Malay based organisations with close links to Anwar such as the Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM), the Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM) and the Persatuan Kebangsaan Pelajar-Pelajar Islam Malaysia (PKPIM) were also deeply incensed by Mahathir's autocratic action against Anwar.

But right from the outset, the issues generated by Anwar's sacking were not perceived as ethnic in any way. The concerns among his Malay supporters were the increasing concentration of power with one man within UMNO and the government; the manipulation of a biased media to shame and smear Anwar; the misuse of the legal process to prosecute Anwar; the utter contempt for professional ethics within the police; and the challenge of the judiciary. As the Anwar crisis unfolded, they also became aware of the monopolisation of corporate wealth by a coterie close to certain powerful political personalities; attempts by the ruling elite to protect this coterie in the midst of the economic crisis; and the alleged abuse of power and corruption of the elite.

What has sustained these issues as non-communal concerns is the approach adopted by Anwar Ibrahim, his wife Dr. Wan Azizah and other leaders of the reform movement. In all their speeches and public comments they have focused upon authoritarianism, the decline of the institutions of governance, the concentration of wealth and corporate corruption, as non-communal issues which should concern each and every Malaysian, regardless of ethnic origin. This was the thrust of Anwar's Permatang Pauh Declaration of 12 September 1998 just as it was the message from the ADIL Declaration proclaimed by Azizah on 10 December 1998.

It is significant, in this regard, that the Pergerakan Keadilan Sosial (ADIL), a reform movement committed to social justice which grew out of the Anwar crisis, is a multi-ethnic, multi-religious group whose membership is open to all Malaysians. Indeed, Azizah and the other founding members of ADIL made a conscious decision to create a multi-ethnic movement, which would uphold justice, compassion and virtue as universal values transcending community and culture. If, and when, the reform movement establishes a political party, the likelihood is that is will also be multi-ethnic. Very few movements or parties who owe their origin to a crisis within UMNO have been multi-ethnic in membership, objectives and orientation.

It is interesting that more and more Chinese and Indian Malaysians from all walks of life are coming forward to support and work with the reform movement and ADIL. They are beginning to empathise with ADIL's multi-ethnic mission. They realise that a multi-ethnic movement, which is Malay-led and Malay-based, holds the promise and the potential of uniting Malaysia's diverse communities into 'one family'.

4) While the movement's multi-ethnic goals are laudable, there are some non-Malays who are worried about Anwar. Is Anwar a language or religious extremist?

Whatever Anwar's shortcomings, he is certainly not a language or religious extremist.

It is true that as President of the Malay language society at the University of Malaya in the late sixties, Anwar had championed wider use of Malay as the sole official and national language --- a just demand given the pathetically limited role of the language in those days. At that time, Dr. Mahathir was also at the forefront of efforts to strengthen the position of the official and national language.

Once Malay became better established as the language of the land, Anwar began advocating that Malay students develop greater fluency in English and should not be averse to even mastering a third language, such as Chinese or Arabic. However, he has not ceased to promote the national language as an effective instrument for fostering the social integration of multi-cultural Malaysia.

On religion, it is Anwar's leadership of ABIM in the seventies, which is largely responsible for this erroneous view that he is some Islamic extremist. ABIM was, and still is, an Islamic organisation which while promoting Islamic values and an Islamic way of life within the Muslim community, has always sought to co-operate with non-Muslim groups in the larger interest of the nation. As ABIM president, Anwar participated actively in inter-faith dialogues and forged close links with Buddhist, Hindu and Christian associations. It is sometimes forgotten that it was Anwar who in 1979 denounced ethnic discrimination in matters pertaining to social justice and urged ABIM members to transcend religious exclusivity in the quest for a common humanity.

After joining government in 1982, Anwar brought together the Youth Wing of UMNO, MCA, MIC, the Gerakan and other component parties of the Barisan to adopt a common position on issues such as the eradication of poverty and the elimination of corruption. It was the first time that an UMNO Youth leader had taken such an initiative. Anwar was also one of those government leaders who pushed hard for the establishment of a Youth Unit Trust Fund open to any Malaysian, irrespective of ethnic origin.

At the level of ideas, he launched seminars on great Asian personalities beginning with the national hero of the Philippines, Jose Rizal. This year the focus would have been on Sun Yat Sen. By exposing young Malaysians in particular to illustrious names from different religious and cultural traditions, Anwar hoped to open up their minds to the nation's rich and varied heritage. An even more significant initiative of his was the inauguration of the civilisational dialogue between Islam and Confucianism in 1995 --- a bold trail blazer in a society where the state had hitherto refrained from getting involved in inter-cultural and inter-religious dialogues.

Anwar's track record inside and outside government shows that he has painstakingly endeavoured to build bridges between the different communities. In some respects, his approach has been far more sophisticated than that of some long serving politicians who are only capable of mouthing hackneyed clich�s about inter-ethnic harmony. Such politicians --- as any honest evaluation of their performance will reveal --- are not averse to manipulating communal sentiments when it suits their interests.

All said and done, however, the issue is not Anwar's commitment to unity and harmony or even the injustice done to him. For the challenge before us goes beyond Anwar. It would be wrong therefore, to focus on one man. If the struggle for change and reform is to succeed, Malaysians must never forget what is at stake in the crisis that engulfs the nation. This is a crisis about the rights and dignity of the people; about the integrity of the instruments of governance; about honesty in public life; about the moral foundation of our society.

This is why the present struggle for justice is so important: it is worth every ounce of sacrifice.

“Sebagai rakyat yang patriotik, adalah menjadi tanggungjawab kita untuk membawa negara kita keluar dari kemelut sekarang. Maruah negara perlu dikembalikan. Arang yang terconteng di muka bangsa Malaysia perlu dibersihkan. Nama Malaysia perlu diharumkan kembali, iaitu negara yang mempunyai rakyat yang berani berjuang menegakkan kebenaran dan keadilan." Datuk Seri Anwar “Political parties andnon-government organisations must work together and set aside their differences in orderto free Malaysia from continuing stranglehold of crisis and oppression....Our party is prepared to sacrifice its own interests inorder to achieve the larger goal of forging a credible alternative to the Barisan Nasional  (National Front),"   " Dr. Wan Azizah KRU-keADILan Home - Links - keADILan Official Website